
Mark Cuban has spent years naming the villains in American healthcare: the insurers, the pharmacy benefit managers, the "conglomerates" he says bury their margins in contracts nobody gets to read. In a recent Bluesky thread, the billionaire named a different obstacle, one not in a boardroom. "I spend my days trying to convince CEOs to move away from conglomerates that keep prices up. To transparent companies, direct contracts, and other resources that push prices down," he wrote. “But employees fight any change.”
The line was the last post in an eight-post thread Cuban wrote himself, not an answer to a critic. It opened with a status report on his pharmacy: "I still subsidize every script filled at cost plus. We are getting closer to break even. Not there yet." From there he argued that universal coverage is a goal he supports but that it will not "automagically work if M4A legislation is passed," and he worked through adverse selection, hospital economics, and the fact that, as he put it, "Most of Medicare today is run by the big insurance companies we hate."
The post directly before the "employees" line is what makes it specific. "So many of the same people who want m4a, will get upset if their employer switches insurance companies and they have to change doctors," Cuban wrote. "Even if it costs everyone in their company more." Two posts earlier, he had restated his usual target: "The big conglomerates are too big to care. They are ripping off your employer in ways your ceo is clueless about."
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What he is trying to move companies toward takes one paragraph to explain. A "transparent" plan, in Cuban's usage, is one where the employer can see the actual price of every claim and every drug rather than a negotiated rate hidden inside an insurer's network contract. Direct contracting means the employer deals with a provider or pharmacy at a disclosed price, as Cost Plus Drugs publishes its markup on every drug it sells. His own policy ask in the thread was narrower still: "any cash pay to be required to count against your deductible."
The resistance he describes is not a conspiracy. It is a new insurance card. Switching a company plan can mean a new network, a new pharmacy, and, for some employees, a new doctor, and the person who has to make that change doesn't see the line-item savings. Cuban's framing is inertia, not blame, and his point is that the savings are shared across the whole company while the inconvenience lands on the individual who liked the old plan.
That diagnosis differs from the one he gave before. Cuban has said that to fix healthcare you should remove insurance companies from the equation, warned that the healthcare giants are too big to care, and told workers who own insurer stock that they are part of the problem. He has spent most of the past two years arguing that the problem is the size and opacity of the companies in the middle. The July thread does not withdraw any of that. It adds a second obstacle at the other end of the chain: the plan member, who would have to say yes.
The inertia has a price tag. KFF's 2026 Employer Health Benefits Survey, released in October, put the average annual premium for employer-sponsored family coverage at $28,303, up 5% in a year. Employers pay most of it, but the employee sees the worker's share and the deductible, and both have risen.
Cuban signed off the thread with an apology for its length: "Sorry for the novel. But I live this stuff every single day." He says the companies he is trying to persuade can save money only if the people on the plan agree to the change, and, by his account, that is the part of the job that isn't going well.